No one wants to be the next Debra Maggart.

In early 2012, Maggart, who held leadership positions in the state House Republican caucus, came out against a “guns in trunks” bill.

By the end of the year, she had lost her seat by almost 15 percentage points, in large part because the National Rifle Association and the Tennessee Firearms Association supported her opponent with more than $100,000 in indirect and direct spending.

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Maggart, who represented District 45 which covers part of Sumner County in Middle Tennessee, had worked to pass a number of gun bills after Republicans took the majority in the General Assembly.

The NRA had given her top ratings. Now, it put her face next to former President Barack Obama’s on billboards in Hendersonville that said, “Rep. Debra Maggart says she supports your gun rights. Of course, he says the same thing.”

After Maggart’s primary loss to Courtney Rogers, the General Assembly passed that “guns in trunks” law — and since then, gun thefts from cars have skyrocketed. Memphis and Chattanooga see the highest rates of such thefts in the country, according to data from Everytown; Jackson and Nashville round out the top 15.

Lawmakers have continued to deregulate guns since then, namely with the 2021 permitless carry law; Republicans outside of Shelby County rarely dissent against gun-rights bills.

“The term that came up in 2012 was ‘Maggartized,’” said John Harris, executive director of the Tennessee Firearms Association, which is not affiliated with the NRA. The TFA’s PAC spent more than $15,000 on the 2012 race.

Maggart declined to comment, but told the Washington Post in 2013 that she was shocked by the backlash.

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“As a pro-Second Amendment person and a life member of the NRA, I was just shocked they did this to me,” Maggart told the Post. “They did this to send a message: ‘If you don’t do what we want, we will annihilate you.’”

The NRA Political Victory Fund did not respond to requests for comment.

More than $85,000 since December 2021

Maggart’s story offers some insight into the influence of gun-rights organizations on Tennessee lawmakers who oppose reforms widely supported by the public as they convene in Nashville for a special session beginning Aug. 21.

Gun-rights groups and firearms manufacturers gave at least $85,000 to state lawmakers from December 2021 through June of this year. All of it went to Republicans and only a fraction went to Shelby County Republicans.

“As a pro-Second Amendment person and a life member of the NRA, I was just shocked they did this to me. They did this to send a message: ‘If you don’t do what we want, we will annihilate you.’ ”

Debra Maggart

The TFA’s PAC has given candidates almost $37,000 during that period, according to campaign finance reports.

Only $250 of that came this year — to the Republican opponent of state Rep. Justin Jones (D-Nashville), one of the members of the “Tennessee Three” who was expelled this year for protesting for gun reform. None of it went to Shelby County lawmakers, who tend to be more moderate on guns than their rural colleagues.

The TFA’s recipients included Reps. Gino Bulso (R-Brentwood), Jody Barrett (R-Dickson), John Ragan (R-Oak Ridge) and Elaine Davis (R-Knoxville), among others.

The PAC has also spent thousands on events, auctions, credit card processing and other expenses.

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The NRA Political Victory Fund spent almost $41,000 during that period, but hasn’t reported spending anything in 2023. Most of that was in small increments — often less than $200 — on behalf of candidates, rather than directly to their campaigns.

It spent $1,502 on behalf of Sen. Brent Taylor (R-Memphis) and $165 on behalf of Rep. Tom Leatherwood (R-Arlington) last year. It gave $1,000 to Lt. Gov. Randy McNally’s PAC in December 2021

“In this case, I was unaware they spent any money on my behalf during the campaign,” Taylor said in a text message. “If they did so, it was an independent expenditure and my campaign, by law, would not be aware of any such expenditure. However, it is always encouraging to see any organization become involved in any of my elections.”

The NRA also gave Gov. Bill Lee $5,000 in October and spent $12,933.24 on his behalf.

Furthermore, the gun manufacturer Beretta — which the Lee administration recruited to Middle Tennessee from Maryland — gave Lee $7,500 in January. It also gave him $7,000 in 2018.

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The PACs’ reports only cover their finances through June 30. The public won’t know about political spending by gun-rights groups (or any groups) until January, when their next campaign finance reports are due.

The spending by gun-rights groups dwarfs that from gun-reform groups. 

The Everytown For Gun Safety Action Fund spent $4,500 in October 2022. Of that, $2,500 went to the state Senate Democratic Caucus. It gave $1,000 each to Bartlett School Board candidate Aislinn McEwen and to a Democratic state Senate candidate in Johnson City.

‘Conspiring with Democrats’

The session, called in the wake of the Covenant School shooting, was originally intended for gun-safety bills. One of First Lady Maria Lee’s friends died in the shooting, and the governor subsequently called for an extreme-risk protection order bill.

Lee and the General Assembly faced pressure from both sides throughout the summer.

The Tennessean reported a solid majority of responses to a public comment form were in favor of gun reform, and many Covenant families have become advocates.

In Memphis and Shelby County, there is broad consensus that the state should enact some limits on guns, according to a scientific poll commissioned by The Daily Memphian.

The TFA and gun-rights supporters have claimed all gun-safety legislation is unconstitutional and undertook a “Red Flag Down” campaign; TFA blog posts describe Lee as “conspiring with Democrats” and operating under a “delusion.”

It published interviews with House Speaker Cameron Sexton (R-Crossville) and Senate Majority Leader Jack Johnson (R-Franklin); Johnson narrowly won a primary election last year.

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During that time, the agenda for the session shifted to consist primarily of tough-on-crime legislation and bills related to mental health.

Taylor said there was no consensus on gun-reform bills; Taylor is one of several members of both parties whose gun-safety bills, like a ban on straw purchases, were deemed outside the scope of the special session.

Taylor also said his office has received far more calls and letters opposing red-flag laws than he was expecting.

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Harris took some credit for shifting the purpose of the session away from guns, but he said the scope of the session is still “very, very broad,” and he doesn’t agree with some of the penalty enhancements supported by most Republicans.

“I think some of this crime-control stuff that they’re running misses the point,” he said.

Harris said the TFA’s success comes from its engagement with its members and teaching them how to make their voices heard with their representatives.

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“We have more credibility and more success with legislators if we focus our efforts on motivating and supporting our members,” Harris said. “The most effective way to try to influence the public policy side of it is through educating and activating voters.”

Sometimes, of course, he activates voters in districts where the “so-called conservative incumbent” opposes a bill that the gun lobby wants.

Lawmakers’ positions on gun bills, Harris said, serve as “a good litmus test as to whether or not they’re truly a conservative.”